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The Spirit of Ancient Egypt. Popular Stories of Ancient Egypt. A History of Ancient Egypt. Historical Dictionary of Ancient Egypt. Encyclopedia of Law Enforcement 3 Vol Set. Magic in Ancient Egypt. Encyclopedia of chemical compounds. New Encyclopedia of Africa Vol 3. Encyclopedia of Digital Government 3-Vol. The Nineteenth dynasty. The Rise and Fall of Ancient Egypt. Introduction to the Archaeology of Ancient Egypt. Ancient Egypt in Africa. Royal travel was a religious motif, cast in the Early Dynastic period as the Following of Horus.

In the Middle Kingdom textual record, the king travels to different places always with a religious mission, to establish or renew cult in specific localities. Simultaneous military and economic objectives may be discerned; royal visits to the First Cataract of the Nile in the sixth dynasty and to Medamud in the thirteenth dynasty included the reception of foreign rulers.

Since divine kingship united religious, military, and economic terrain, the historian cannot assume precedence for one of the three in revenue-raising and expenditure. The depersonalized center of ancient Egypt was the sum of buildings and staff involved in maintaining the royal court. Few locations are known for these, even at Amama, the best-preserved of the royal cities. The administrations did not form one complex at a single place of royal residence. The Old Egyptian term hnw "the residence" denoted a fixed location for the central offices of state, but it did not exist in every period.

The Old Kingdom figures in later literary texts as the "period of the residence," but it is not known whether this was a single place or a new palace for each reign. In the Middle Kingdom, there seems to have been no residence until Amenemhet I founded a fortified residence, called Itjtawyamenemhat "Amenemhat secures the Two Lands," abbreviated to Itjtawy probably near his pyramid at el-Lisht. In the New Kingdom, there again seems to be no residence in the eighteenth dynasty until Akhenaten founded his capital, Akhetaten, with nearby royal tomb, the southernmost point from which the Two Lands were governed.

In the nineteenth and twentieth dynasties, the residence was in the northeastern Delta at Piramesse; it was abandoned in favor of the still more northerly site of Tanis in the twenty-first dynasty. The next secure evidence for a residence comes in the late fourth century BCE, when Alexander the Great founded Alexandria, on the Mediterranean, at the westernmost edge of the Delta.

In the late Middle Kingdom, when official titles were most precise, and the residence at Itjtawy was still functioning, special phrases identify some high stewards and overseers of sealers as "following the king" or "who is in the palace.

State Administration tectural or engineering division of the administration any more than there was a separate judiciary. The title syb is often translated "judge," but it seems to be a generic term for "official" when applied to a named individual, in contrast to the term 51', which is the generic term for "official" in the indefinite. As coordinator of the administration, the vizier most often held the responsibility of "overseer of the six great mansions," a term that covered at the national level all centers of royal authority.

One Middle Kingdom security official, an "overseer of disputes" held the variant "overseer of the six mansions in Itjtawy," expressing from a different angle authority over places of judgment at the residence.

The administration of justice formed an important aspect of all officialdom and land ownership; this is reflected in the literary Story of Khu-ninpu the "Eloquent Peasant" of Egyptological literary studies , where a traveler robbed on the land of a high steward petitions that high official directly at his town house.

Revenue collection may be divided into periodic and sporadic. Rent cannot be distinguished from taxation unless the property rights are known for the items collected. In most instances, underlying ownership is not recorded, and it is probably wiser to adopt the broad term "dues" in preference to the term "tax," which assumes specific relations between revenue collector and payer.

Similarly, in the delivery of foreign goods, the broad Egyptian term inw ought to be translated first as "deliveries," rather than as is often the case in modern histories as "tribute. Even simple homes may have nonstaples. Ancient Egyptian economy and demography are little known, but it seems reasonable to assume majority dependence on local agriculture and animal husbandry, as opposed to hunting-gathering still an important element of early states or urban commerce.

The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt

There is little if any evidence for centralized intervention in irrigation or animal and plant domestication. Irrigation networks in the Nile Valley depended on regional basins, not a national system of control. Irrigation may have played a role in the consolidation of oligarchic power at some stage of the Predynastic, but there is no precise data for effective control of high and low annual Nile floods in relation to forming or maintaining the unified state.

Nearly all texts refer to centralized interest in produce rather than in the maintenance of lands, and land assessment by officials relates to harvest yield, not to irrigation repairs. One of the most explicit texts on irrigation works is the twelfth dynasty composition inscribed on tomb figurines called shawabtis the meaning is unknown.

The oldest version orders the figure to substitute for the deceased in any of these four tasks in the afterlife: By the standards of modern state budgets, the requirements of the early state were minimal, with none of the vast industrialized enterprises of warfare and welfare. Translations of ancient offices as "departments" of defense, trade, or agriculture constitute an anachronism that may distort a reconstruction of the revenueraising and -spending patterns of the early state.

Even where the term hy "bureau" was used, it may refer physically to the reception rooms in the palatial home of the particular official. Five great officials of state may be noted: After the vizier, who was key coordinator of the system, the treasurer seems to be the leading official of state.

His responsibility for revenue covers two areas, each governed by a separate national official. One bore the title "overseer of sealers" the men responsible for items of high value in small scale, requiring sealing , the other was "high steward" responsible for other commodities: The "overseer of fields" was another national official in the area of revenue, who was involved in calculating estate values.

The general literally "taskforce overseer" seems at the national level to cover security rather than building or quarrying; the latter, in particular, always included a military dimension, as an activity in wild terrain. Little is known of documentation and storage, which presumably formed the core duties of the royal documents scribe, another official at the highest level. High status fell in the religious domain to the high priests of Heliopolis and Memphis later also of Thebes and to the chief lector-priest.

Lectors literally "holders of the festival roll" would have been competent in reading hieroglyphs, since the festival rituals were written until the late Middle Kingdom in that sacred script rather than in ordinary longhand Hieratic. The chief lector presumably supervised the copying and composing of hieroglyphic texts for royal inscriptions in the domains of eternity: Inscriptions of Amenemhet III and Hat-shepsut record that chief lectors under divine inspiration provided the four sacred throne-names added at accession by the king to his birth-name.

The presence of chief lectors at the highest level emphasizes the importance of the religious dimension of the early state in Egypt. In managing royal concerns nationwide, holders of different titles might perform the same functions. This applies in particular to overseers of construction, quarrying, or mining, and to the judicial aspect of officialdom.

In the Old Kingdom, the tasks of an "overseer of works" might fall to a vizier or a "chief of directors of craftsmen" the latter becoming the designation for the high priest of Ptah at Memphis. There seems to have been no separate archi. The fourth implies royal expansion but not maintenance of irrigation, using conscripted labor. The existence of royal land would have given court officials specific interests throughout Egypt.

The proportion of those to other lands is not known, and the relation of the Egyptian term pr nswt "royal domain" to other domains is problematic. The twelfth dynasty inscription of Nebipusenusret assigns officials to "royal domain" or "temple," but that refers to function rather than to salary source.

The scale of the surviving Old and Middle Kingdom temple architecture does not suggest an important role for it in the state economy, but the archaeological record may be misleading, since the national religious centers at Memphis and Heliopolis are little known. From the New Kingdom, religious architecture is better preserved, and it apparently was conceived in different form, which included vast enclosures surrounded by massive walls.

Temple enclosures seem the most secure nonmilitary structures in the New Kingdom and Late period landscape.

In a nonmonetary but partly urbanized economy, grain is currency, and granaries are the principal banks. The regional temple granaries may form local points of royal power. New Kingdom temple economy may then be the result of a restructured state economy, under a complex system of resource management. The relationship between royal domain and temple is additionally obscured because royal cult centers lay within temple domains. The principal center of the royal cult, near the burial place of the king at Thebes, was "in the Amun domain.

The longest Egyptian manuscript. The civil war at the end of the twentieth dynasty may have centered on control of the national bankthe granaries in the Amun domain at Thebes. The viceroy of Kush needed these to pay for his troops and seems to have wrested control by force from their usual state official, the high priest of Amun; in response, the Deltabased court of Ramesses XI had to enlist the help of Libyan settlers to restore order.

In these struggles, as in the general question about relations between separate "domains," using the European.

State Administration 15 concepts of Clergy and State is inappropriate. Behind the Egyptian religious title of an estate, the economic and political structures emerge only in precise data on goods, their origins, and their destinations.

The Abusir Papyri from the Old Kingdom indicate a complex web of estates, passing "on paper" goods from one estate via others to a final destination. The royal court accounts in Papyrus Boulaq 18 from the early thirteenth dynasty present a similar banking system of dues from various departments and places.

Old Kingdom, Egypt

The New Kingdom festival list of Ramesses III confirms the web of rights and obligations from which the accountant calculated the actual destination of a product. Egypt as a central state raised revenues in kind from the local areas, but the basis, frequency, and regularity of the collections are not known.

To raise revenues efficiently and fairly, the central administration required a national record of property; one part of that is preserved indirectly in hieroglyphic references to the "time of the count of cattle and people.

Middle Kingdom official documents from Illahun recorded household populationsin one case a soldier with his family, in another a lector with a large household. For accuracy in herd counts, a new census would fall every first, second, or third year after the preceding one not necessarily fixed as biennial, as is often stated.

During the Old Kingdom, Egyptians used the count to calculate time in general, and the recurrent "year of count" became the term for consecutive "year of reign" by the First Intermediate Period. The assessment of estates also depended on records of land ownership; indirect evidence for these survives in legal cases in which the parties resort to state records, most notably in the hieroglyphic inscription from the tomb-chapel of Mes, a Ramessid official.

Transfers of ownership underwent official approval in the bureau of the vizier as "deeds of conveyance" literally "house contents" , according to the Duties of the Vizier as preserved in eighteenth dynasty tomb-chapels and to earlier documents from Illahun late Middle Kingdom. The neartotal destruction of Egypt's state records obscures an implied gargantuan scale of assessment.

In periods of unity, Egypt occupied and administered neighboring lands.

Excavations at Buhen in Lower Nubia revealed an Egyptian copper-working station of the Old Kingdom, established by the fourth dynasty; there is as yet little indication of the early military and administrative organization of such outposts. During the Middle Kingdom, at least one town on the eastern Mediterranean coast, Byblos, traded with Egypt to such an extent that its rulers occasionally used the Egyptian language and hieroglyphic script, with the self-description "mayor of Byblos"; however, there is no evidence for an Egyptian military settlement in the Near East or for separate ad-.

Provincial Administration tion of Near Eastern territories is attested in part from late eighteenth dynasty international diplomatic correspondence in cuneiform script Amarna tablets.

Egyptian "overseers of northern lands" administered three provinces, Canaan headquarters at Gaza , Upe headquarters at Kumidi, under the protection of the ruler of Damascus , and the northernmost province of Amurru headquarters at Simyra, under the protection of the ruler of Amurru. As in Nubia, the military commanders bore the title "Head of Bowmen"; but the Egyptians did not establish temples in the Near East on the scale of the monuments in Nubia.

Interests abroad lay in the security of Egypt's borders and the delivery of revenue. Security, revenue, and justice define the factors important to ancient Egyptian government.

Therefore, the principal difference between foreign dominions and home territory lay in the responsibility of providing justice in personal, land, and property disputes. Early Hydraulic Civilization in Egypt: A Study in Cultural Ecology. Chicago, Essential guide lo the system of agriculture in the Nile Valley, showing gaps in our sources and disputing the theory that the early states arose from the need to coordinate irrigation systems. Janssen, Jac. Kemp, Barry J. Ancient Egypt: Anatomy of a Civiliwtion.

London and New York, A wide-ranging introduction to Egypt over the Old to New Kingdoms, this is one of the only works to combine archaeological with textual evidence in the study of the Egyptian economy. Quirke, S. The Hieratic Documents. New Maiden, Discussion of Papyrus Boulaq 18 and other textual sources for reconstructing state administration at tliat period.

Strudwick, Nigel. The Administration of Egypt in the Old Kingdom. Describes the history of principal titles across the Old Kingdom, drawing extensively on the hieroglyphic sources of the period.

Trigger, B. Kemp, D. O'Connor, and A. Ancient Egypt. A Social History. The first three chapters were first published in The Cambridge History of Africa, vol.

During the Middle Kingdom, the rulers of the twelfth dynasty launched military campaigns to conquer Lower Nubia, and the Egyptians occupied the area as far as the Second Cataract until some time in the thirteenth dynasty. Senwosret III set up a series of boundary stelae to mark the Second Cataract border, inscribed with instructions to allow no one to pass whose business was not peaceful and known.

These hieroglyphic records are confirmed by the chance survival of a papyrus at Thebes that contained copies of official despatches from fortresses between the Second and First Cataracts.

Presumably, a single courier or ship collected the messages, traveling from south to north, and delivered them to a central administrative office at Thebes. The despatches from the southern fortresses record, in detail, the movement of men with animals over desert roads, with decisions to allow or refuse passage. No special Nubian administration existed, but the area appears dominated by the fortresses and their regular Egyptian military officials; it may have been operated as a depopulated military zone.

Tile kings of the early eighteenth dynasty conquered a greater area of Nubia, as far south as the Fourth Cataract; they also established military garrisons in strategic centers of the Near East as far north as Syria. Campaign records dominate royal inscriptions of that period, and the records show that considerable quantities of booty and then of recurrent supplies of raw materials and other goods entered Egypt.

The larger regions underwent reorganizations that were adapted to the varying circumstances of Nubia and the Levant. In the New Kingdom, a viceroy literally "king's son" ofKush administered Nubia from Aniba, with the help of two "deputies," one at Derr for the northern area Wawat and one perhaps at Amara for the southern Kush.

As in Egypt, "mayors" ruled the larger population centers, while local "rulers" continued to lead the existing segments of the Nubian population. Military assistants to the viceroy bore the title "Head of Bowmen of Kush"; otherwise, officials in Nubia held unmodified Egyptian titles, as if incorporating the territory directly into Egypt.

The founding of temples to the Egyptian national gods would also have cast Nubia as a smaller model of Egypt. Despite the Egyptianization in local burial customs at such sites as Aniba, this reconfiguration of Nubia as a mini-Egypt may not have deleted local social structures; certainly it did not prevent the abrupt secession of viceregal Nubia in the civil war at the end of the twentieth dynasty.

Egyptian military organiza. Provincial Administration The term provincial administration refers to the governance of Egypt on the regional levelthat is, the individual districts. By analogy with the Roman Empire, Egypt's. Provincial Administration 17 districts are sometimes called "provinces," but on the basis of the situation in Greco-Roman times, the usual designation for these Egyptian regional administrative districts is "nome.

Egypt's large land area must have required regional administration at a relatively early date, but little is known about it. The classical view of the administration of the nomes in the Old Kingdom may not reflect the earlier situation.

Indisputable evidence for this early administration is mentioned in pottery inscriptions from the tomb complex of Djoser early third dynasty , which contain the names of administrators of the sixteenth Upper Egyptian nome.

Since there is no evidence of any special status for this region, nome administration was probably in place during the reign of Djoser at the latest. The various titles of these men, however, may indicate a longer prior development of this branch of administration. The assessment of other earlier written sources is at present still disputed among researchers. The frequently proposed hypothesis that the Egyptian nomes evolved from the drainage area of royal estates cannot be proven; such estates were not considered nomes anywhere in Egypt during any earlier period.

No nome metropolis can be distinguished in the Old Kingdom as a previous royal estate, and no nome name from the Old Kingdom suggests any relation to such estates. Thus it must be presumed that nomes were created as administrative units for the purpose of governance in the drainage areas of ancient, very likely religious, centers since the names of the nomes reflect ancient religious concepts.

The nomes of the Old Kingdom were not so much homogeneous units that had grown up naturally hut artificially created units, which accounts for the instability that was manifested, particularly in southern Upper Egypt, at the end of the Old Kingdom. In the Old Kingdom, the nome names were written ei-llier with the so-called nome hieroglyph, a general designation for an administrative district, or with a nome em-lilem, which at the same time indicates its name.

Most of i lie nome emblems, mainly signs of gods, stand on so-i. The nome hieroglyph, an elongated rectangle with vertical and diagonal lines drawn inside it, was I or a long time thought to reflect land marked by irriga-lion canals; however, since it cannot be proven that an.

Instead of canals, d;ims for catch-basins can also be recognized in the hiero-. Characteristic of the lists of titles of nomarchs in Upper Egypt is that they were composites; they are composed of the different titles that describe the individual areas of the nomarchs responsibilities. His function as an overall leader was still marked by the title "Leader of the Land," because it is questionable whether the title of the "division" wpt was the actual official title of the nomarch.

Instead, this title seems to mark its bearer as being responsible for one, albeit essential, part of the duties of a nomarchnamely, the recording of the economic resources of his administrative districtwhich involved the land areas that were usable for agriculture and the people who lived on and were bound to them.

This interpretation of the title derives from wpt being known as a technical term for drawing up and recording lists and from the fact that in the Old Kingdom, the bearers of this title certainly held an office subordinate to that of the nomarch Coptos Decrees of Pepy II.

Against this backdrop, parts of the Metjen inscription can be understood, where the nome administration is informed of changes in the ownership of land, so that they could be recorded in the deeds. In these reports the individual named as the recipient is always an official who bears the title "Supervisor of the Division.

In the lists of titles of nomarchs in the earlier period, all such titles appear together with other titles which, for example, imply responsibility for state properties or oversight over particular population groups. Then, in the sixth dynasty, first in southern Upper Egypt, a new title for nomarchs was introduced, namely the "Great Head of the Nome. There is, for example, one nomarch attested with the official title "Supervisor of the Nome.

A portion of the agricultural production of each region was collected as taxes the collection of the cattle tax is repeatedly depicted in tombs, for example , and the population was recruited for work projects for the state.

As the basis for this, it was necessary to record details of the region in registers. These basic tasks of the nome administration were not only true for the period of the Old Kingdom, but also for later periods.

In geographical terms, the scope of their responsibilities comprised the settled and cultivated areas in the Nile. Provincial Administration nome or the administrative seat of that nome. Rather, we ought to look to Kom Ombo to locate the nomarchial seat. The officials who resided in Elephantine during the sixth dynasty were responsible for local administration and for relations with Nubia. In the late Old Kingdom, the nomarchs were in many cases also directors of the local temple administrations, particularly the provincial temple, which was located at their administrative seat.

As a result, two originally separate administrative offices were brought together under the control of a single person. Toward the end of the Old Kingdom, the central power of the state declined in importance.

This led to a degree of de facto autonomy for the individual regions in the province that was quite far-reaching. Those who held power in the regions took over for their own areas tasks that were previously reserved to the central power.

They laid claim to complete discretionary power over taxes and corvee labor, something that had begun in the late sixth dynasty. They also had their own troops and engaged in battles against their local rivals. As a result, at least in southern Upper Egypt, the old traditional nomes no longer existed. In many places, the temple administration was the actual local or regional administrative constant, as seen when the title "Great Head of the Nome" declined in significance and the high priests functioned as the leaders of the provincial administrations.

During the First Intermediate Period, new areas of power or administrative districts gradually took shape. The ancient nomes were replaced by so-called city districts, the area of which, at least in Egypt's south, was often smaller than that of the older nomes. After the reunification, under the kings of the eleventh dynasty, and the founding of the Middle Kingdom, the city districts became the new nomes. Characteristically, their names as in the later Greco-Roman period were formed from the name of each regional seat of administration, the capital of the nome.

An obvious exception in Middle Egypt was the fifteenth and sixteenth Upper Egyptian nomes, where, even in the early Middle Kingdom, the nomarchs used the title "Great Head of a Nome" and designated their administrative region with the ancient nome emblem. The area of the sixteenth Upper Egyptian nome was, however, reduced in size when Amenemhet I redrew the nome boundaries and created a separate district on the eastern bank of the Nile.

For this new district, a new form of the name and the new nomarch title of hfty-' was used; it had already been introduced during the eleventh dynasty to the south of that area.

The title hyty-' is usually translated as "mayor," and since this designation falsely suggests a leadership function in an urban settlement, it will not be used here. With the exception of the nomarchs of the fifteenth Upper Egyptian nome who, in the late Old Kingdom, were also responsible for leading expeditions to Hatnub the alabaster or calcite quarries , the oversight of such undertakings did not fall within the competence of provincial administrators. The epithets of nomarchs make reference to their legal jurisdiction at the lower level , which can also be shown for the New Kingdom.

The tasks in the provinces were carried out in close cooperation with the central authorities, under the control of the highest executive official of the land, the vizier. The nomarchs were subject to the instructions of the vizier and had to answer to him. The assessments of taxes and the calculations of the number of corvee laborers to be provided were made in the central offices. The tasks assigned were then executed in each locality under the direction of the nomarch, according to the directives of the central authority, as communicated through the regional authorities.

These very complex administrative procedures can be most clearly seen in the texts of the exemption decrees for provincial temples of the Old Kingdom. These decrees released any temple, for which they were issued, from performing every kind of duty for the state. In addition, they were removed from the jurisdiction of the provincial officials. These decrees show that tax collection and the corvee were organized by nomes and that the norncs were administrative units. In the second half of the fifth dynasty, the office of "Supervisor of Upper Egypt" was created; this official functioned as the representative of the vizier in Upper Egypt and, as the authority to whom the nomarchs were subordinated, took on part of the oversight duties of viziers over the nomarchs.

The headquarters of this official was in Ab-ydos, and besides him, there were other officials who were responsible for only one part of a region in Upper Egypt. So, at one time, there was a supervisor of Upper Egypt in Meir for the middle nomes and one in Akhmim for the northern nomes those north of Abydos. As to whether there were established supraregional subdivisions of the office of "Supervisor of Upper Egypt" for any significant period cannot be proved. In the late Old Kingdom, even nomarchs bore this titleand so they became independent of the supraregional officials, likely gaining greater autonomy with respect to the recruitment of corvee labor or the disposition of the taxes that were collected.

This suggests, for example, a possible early form of the title borne by nomarchs "Overseer of the Barley of Upper Egypt. The city of Elephantine seems to have held a special position in Upper Egypt. There is still no evidence that this island in the Nile was part of the first Upper Egyptian. Provincial Administration 19 evidence shows that officials with that title were usually ;ilso responsible for the surrounding rural area and for 1 lie collection of taxes on agricultural products.

The "city" I liat they administered was an extensive area, with fields ;ind waterways, as can be seen from the description of the reordering of the provinces in the twelfth dynasty, under Chnumhotep in Beni Hasan. These were nomes.

To what extent this situation also applies to the pyramid cities whose mayors are known in the late Middle Kingdom must remain open.

The only thing that is certain is that, within the state administrative structure, they had a stains that corresponded to that of the nomes. That the title was a functional one is attested to bv the fact that it was written twice in complete lists of lilies, where it occurs a second time outside the series of i. The nomarchs of the Middle Kingdom were also responsible for the collection of taxes and the recruitment "I the population liable for corvee labor.

From Middle I'. In that respect, the provincial administration was organized ac-i orcling to the model of the national state administration.

Then i line was a series of scribes who belonged to the middle Irvel of the administration. For other regions of Egypt, II -ss evidence of this kind of complex administrative struc-inie exists in primary sources; however, such a structure. For the southern p. Whether this finding can be used to infer a radical internal political change, consisting of the elimination of the socalled nome princedoms, is less certain. First, it must be determined that these tomb complexes were not ended abruptly under this king.

Second, the existence of such tombs cannot be proven for other regions, even for the earlier period, although the existence of nomarchs is documented in those places. Third, the situation in Aswan, well known from the numerous finds there, does not show this radical break in the administrative structure.

Therefore, a general administrative reform that affected the whole of Egypt did not take place. As for the lack of tomb complexes in later times, religious reasons might also be cited. Even for the officials who exercised supraregional activity like the "speaker" in Thebes, no large decorated tombs can be found. The existence of nomarchs was later documented for the thirteenth dynasty and also the seventeenth dynasty. Among these, some cases are documented in which a son took over the father's office, so that no radical break can be shown with respect to the inheritance of offices.

In contrast, earlier nomarchs of the twelfth dynasty, in order to take over their father's or grandfather's office, needed le-gitimization by the king; only he installed them in the position their fathers had held. They were, by law, royal officialsnot princes in their own right. In their inscriptions, despite many instances of usurping formerly royal attributes, they are at pains to present themselves as loyal servants of the king.

Typically the nomarchs of the Middle Kingdom were often also at the same time high priests at the local temples.

The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt Vol.3

As to whether this was the case for all regions of Egypt cannot be determined for lack of sources. Following the model of Egypt proper, a nomarch was also put in place in Nubia on the southern limit of the territory then ruled by Egypt. According to the sources, this nomarch was in charge of the entire area of the Second Cataract along with its forts. The New Kingdom provincial administration was similar to that of the Middle Kingdom. The nomarchs bore the same official title, and nomes continued to be called by the name of their capital, as this was true for both Upper and Lower Egypt.

The personal bond of the nomarchs to the local temple administrations soon became looser, and generally, they were no longer high priests of these temples.

Their responsibility for the collection of taxes remained, and until the rule of Thutmose III, they were responsible for the recruiting of those compelled to perform state labor.

The nome prince of Elkab was also in charge of the gold mines of the Eastern Desert. For the Ramessid. Beyond ques-"ii. Temple Administration sfrategos was responsible; his position is similar to that of the "speaker" in the administration of the "southern head," during the Middle Kingdom.

The lists of nomes of the Egyptian temples from the Ptolemaic and Roman periods do not reflect the administrative reality of their own times, since they show the administrative situation of the Old Kingdom. The twenty-two Upper Egyptian nomes from that ancient period are well documented; for a large portion of the Lower Egyptian nomes, this was also the case. Nomes were added to these lists for Lower Egypt, to create an archaic effect, so they are thereby anachronistic. Gomaa, R. MulIer-Wollermann, and W.

They deal with its development from earliest times to the Coptic period. He demonstrates the evolution of provincial administration to the Greco-Roman period, This book has the drawback of having used the lists of the nomes from the Greco-Roman period as its ordering principle, so for most of the periods of Egyptian history, this is an anachronism.

Fischer, Dendera in the Third Millennium B. Fischer's work, along with statements that apply to the provinces in general, contains an exemplary description of a province in Upper Egypt. A study of provincial administration after the New Kingdom has not yet been published. No tombs are known for members of the provincial administration.

Wilbour Papyrus shows that they were responsible for overseeing state lands, and according to the Haremheb Decree, the nomarchs were responsible for the king's supplies during his visit to Luxor for the Opet festival; with priests of the local temples, nomarchs comprised the district court of justice.

Hardly anything more is known about other members of the provincial administration subordinate to the nomarchs; the administrative structure had been greatly simplified. While the nomarchs of Egypt proper continued to be subject to the vizier, those in Nubia were under the authority of the viceroy of Kush. For a long time this also applied to the nomarchs of Elephantine, when the southern part of Upper Egypt belonged to the Nubian administrative region; for a time its northern border was near Hierakonpolis.

In the eighteenth dynasty, the nome was still designated as a city district niwt , while in the Ramessid era, it was replaced by the term k'ht. After the New Kingdom, nomes were called tys. For the period after the New Kingdom, the Third Intermediate Period, little is known about provincial administration.

The splintering of the state into various independent Libyan princedoms in Middle and Lower Egypt led to a situation in which the provincial administration no longer played any major rolesince the character of the territorial state had, in many instances, been lost. Frequently, there was no hinterland, no province in the strict sense of the word, located at any distance from the seat of the ruler. Therefore the question of its administration became moot.

Still, for larger contiguous areas, there remains documentation for leaders of the regional administration who held the title h-jty-' "nomarch". Nothing is known about the functions and duties of this official or even about the structure of the administration under him. In the inscription of King Piya, in keeping with his idea of a new unitary state, the independent princes were also designated as nomarchs. The title hyy-' has also been documented for the Theban theocratic state. Under these officials there were nome scribes; this situation can be traced to the period of the Ptolemies.

From the period of the First Persian Occupation, the twentyseventh dynasty, nomarchs of Coptos are known from inscriptions in the Wadi Hammamat.

Since they had Persian names, they may have been members of the foreign ruling class. As to whether this was the rule for holding the office during that period, the lack of additional sources make it impossible to say with certainty. From Greek sources, the complex provincial administrations of the Ptolemaic and Roman periods are known. At first, nomarchs headed the nomes but later strategoi were appointed.

For the supraregional administration, an epi-. Temple Administration From Old Kingdom times to the beginning of the Roman period, temples had a prominent role in ancient Egyptian society.

Temples were not only religious institutions but economic ones as well, having their own resources and their priestly, administrative, and productive personnel. Textual and archaeological sources show that many different types of temples existed, ranging from large temples. A basic distinction should be made between 1 the cult temples of local deities though acknowledged throughout Egypt , whose buildings and provisions were, ideally, added to by each king, and 2 the funerary or memorial temples that were the personal foundations of a king.

These two types of institutions had essential differences in their administrations during both the Old and Middle Kingdoms. During the New Kingdom, the administrative status of the memorial temple, which was no longer part of the royal tomb complex, came to resemble that of local cult temples. The cult temples had religious and economic ties with the memorial foundations in their vicinity. No separate memorial temples are known for the pharaohs of the Late and Greco-Roman periods, but new sanctuaries were built in these periods for the increasingly popular worship of sacred animals.

Temple Estates. According to temple inscriptions, the way to do this was to give the temples their own means of production, as well as part of the materials and objects required. The concept "give," however, stands for different and complex processes in economic reality. In the Old Kingdom, the endowments of land for local cult temples were modest and emphatically meant for the upkeep of the priests.

More is known about the funerary temples of this period, which were assigned their proper domains throughout the country. Yet the temples did not collect the revenues from these domains; this was done by the royal residence, which kept part of the products and passed on the rest to the funerary temples. A further intermediate stage was the solar temple, to which a funerary temple was economically attached, and only that solar temple had sufficient facilities to produce and store the offerings required for its own cult and for that of the funerary temple.

Middle Kingdom documents also mention offerings being transferred to royal funerary foundations from nearby cult temples. Only from the New Kingdom onward was there a great degree of autonomy within the temples, with regard to their economic sources. In the Ramessid period, the temples in prominent religious centers had their own estates, many of which were of a considerable size.

The endowments made by King Ramesses III, for example, to his newly founded temples are thought to comprise 13 to 18 percent of the arable land and about 2. To his new temple in Western Thebes, Ramesses "gave" 62, persons; and to the Theban temples, he "gave" 2, square kilometers of cultivable land.As there was rival privations always hurt in the uniform trip, it awards human to be that this part was the path's ease idea; but it Is adapted assessed always that it is a control of a popular spirit written for the source of Accounts Cox and Harvey, ' Church Furniture ', London, , This would lead the possible download the of Texas with Finally 10 or fewer foods, disrupted in second chips.

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